History of Flames in the African Great Lake Region
The article highlights some facts describing the African Great Lake Region as the most African region to witness attrocities in the modern era as it was the case of Germany in Europe with Holocaust.
History of flames in the great lakes region
The history of the conflict in the African great lakes region may be traced back to colonial times. Rwanda and Burundi were German colonies for decades until the First World War Belgium took over (on them.) Belgium tribal policies on two existing tribes namely Tutsi and Hutu were summarized that Tutsis were Nilotic people, immigrants from the north, more intelligent than native Hutu .They toppled Hutu chiefs and replaced them with Tutsi and turned a blind eye when these Tutsis stole large tracts of Hutu land. They favored Tutsis in admission to colonial schools and set Hutus to work digging ditches, planting trees and building roads under the cruel eye of a Tutsi overseer. (Robert Guest 2004, p112-113) The above historic perspective of Robert Guest in his book titled “The shackled continent: Africa’s past, present and future” may help us to understand the parrot of the two African tribes in the early 1990s:”No way the son of the snake may escape from being a snake”
Hutu form a large majority of the Burundian and Rwandan populations. From 1962 when Burundi and Rwanda gained independence from Belgium the two countries were ruled differently with regard to their population. Burundi was ruled by Tutsis who were supported by foreign masters (Belgians) to rule over Hutu until 1993 when the country tried to introduce new democratic order. President Pierre Buyoya (Tutsi) initiated the process allowing the will of the Burundians to be heard by mean of electing their own leader. The process led to the first election allowing historically elected Hutu leader Merchior Ndandaye (as the large of Burundian population is made of Hutu). Anywhere, Tutsi remained dominated the army, with officers hostile to the new order. Ndandaye presidency lasted less than five months before he was kidnapped and murdered by Tutsi army officers. Attempting to maintain calm in the Hutu camp, the army have decided to allow the appointment of an other Hutu as the interim president who later has been invited to attend to the Rwandan negotiations (Hutu’s government and Tutsi rebels) hosted by Tanzania in Arusha, to find political solutions to Rwandan crisis that have started to create conflict between Rwanda and Uganda (as Rwanda’s rebels sponsor) with an Hutu Major General Juvenal Habyarimana who seized power since 1973. Rwandan and Burundian leaders were due to attend to the meeting in Tanzania (traveling aboard of the same plane)when Tutsi rebels hit Rwandan presidential plane by two missiles as it approached the runway at Kigali airport killing all aboard on 06 April 1994. The genocide started immediately when Hutu propaganda started, listing the first target, among which Hutu men who are married or friends to Tutsis, Tutsi politicians, journalists, lawyers and businessmen with liberal views.
In July 1994, Tutsi rebels were victorious followed by nearly a million of Hutus fled into Democratic Republic of Congo fearing reprisals. The new established regime in Rwanda led by Paul Kagame did not enjoy the presence of Hutu refugee camps close to Rwandan borders (in DRCongo) representing a permanent threat to his power, he prepared his men and manage to invade Congo two times, costing lives of unnumbered Congolese and more than 200.000 Hutu refugees: first with his local allies among which Laurent Desire Kabila to topple Mobutu Sese seko, then with several Congolese rebel groupings in the attempt to topple Laurent Kabila.
Therefore, refugees from all the region covering Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda especially children and women may have diversity of stories to share as problems they have faced in their countries, in their ways and wherever they may be situated in four corners of the world will differ from one refugee to the next, this in term of abuse, stress, hardship...
Congolese war against unarmed civilians
Abandon victims in the DRC did not receive an escape fire door when the flames eruption between government forces militias, foreign forces and rebel groupings takes place. The future of civilians was spontaneously determined on who is the master of the situation, once the fall of the master reprisal and new allegiance were made in different forms such as:
Death penalty
Government military tribunals repeatedly sentenced civilians to death for non-violent offences including violations of government restrictions on private economic activity such as private distribution of State-monopolized and State-rationed gasoline, inciting mutiny and looting while in a state of mutiny and desertions from government army.
Freedom of expression and media
According to Amnesty International:” dozens of journalists have been arrested, interrogated, intimidated and harassed because of articles they have published or wrote in the local newspapers have been critical of the government or its policies” government repression against them is justified as endangering the national security of the country and sentenced accordingly.
Groups at risk
(a) Ethnicity problem
Ethnicity remains an important factor in the Congolese society and politics. This is the case of Banyamulenge, whose ancestors immigrated to the country from Rwanda who still not be recognized by Congolese local populations as citizens due to their allegiance to their country of origin. Resentment of their non-citizen status contributed to the participation of many Tutsis residents of the country first in Laurent Kabila’s rebellion against former president Mobutu and then in the RCD rebellion against Kabila, becoming rulers in the conquer territories they have imposed a cruel administration on hundreds other ethnics in their turn. With the start of the renewed conflict in August 1998, Tutsis continue to be held in prolonged detention in Kinshasa and Katanga, from which the government was willing to release them on condition that they leave the country.
(b) Human Rights Activists
Government and rebel groupings intensified harassment of Congolese human rights activists during 1998 and 1999. In attempts to silence independent witnesses to their abuses. (Ibid. Government Terrorizes Critics, 10 January 2000), (International Crisis Group, How Kabila lost his way, 21 May 1999)
(c) Women and children
There are no recorded cases in which specific cases of children and women abuses are documented, although children and women suffer from generalized social disorder and widespread disregard for human rights that affect the society as a whole.
In 1999, both government and rebel groupings led massive campaigns to recruit child soldiers’ through the country while Women were the target of sexual violence including rape. Local activists confirmed the exposure of some of the victims to the HIV virus; other rape victims suffered rejection from their husbands and communities. Women are not only receive less education than men ,but also are required by law to obtain their spouse’s permission before engaging in routine legal transactions such as accepting employment or applying for an identity document (passport)
Congolese Refugees and Asylum Seekers: Global trends
(a) Prima facie refugees
The number of refugees from DRC in the region increased by 64 per cent: from 141,000 at the beginning of the year to 232,000 at the end of 1999.
(b) Asylum seekers
Some 15,350 asylum applications lodged by citizens for the DRC were recorded in 78 countries worldwide. In total, some 7,140 asylum-seekers were granted refugee status and 3,870 applications were rejected resulting in a total recognition rate of 66 per cent. (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: Refworld, Centre for Documentation and research, July 1999)
Hundreds of unaccompanied women and children have decided to consider their way to exile after the death of the husbands, in most of cases in the frontline ,died of starvation in detention (in the overcrowded shipping containers),rejection from their husband communities after the case of rape, attempts to make their children escape from massive child soldiers recruitments, attempts to unify themselves with their husbands who have left the country for a long period without keeping in touch with their families...
Our current challenges
-protection: protection approach that goes beyond traditional notions of legal protection: gender-based violence, building capacity through training, woman’s initiative programs in countries of origin. I applaud many organizations for reaching out needy women refugee and children refugee in their daily needs as steps undertaken to affected persons. at the same time, I would like to praise the role of South African government in its endeavors to ensure refugee are protected within its borders by availing government officials where refugees have contact with government, even if much still have to be done with home affairs officials, community policing and sanitation facilities(matters described as refugee’s matters by the policy, only refugee can be evacuated in the house without a court warrant, language barrier for refugee women and children to approach health facilities)
-lack of organizations work coordination: the proof is that in the precious occasion such as this all role players could be present and put plan of action for a particular operation and about challenges the face in their duties to assist refugees, dear members of the audience allow me to say if a next organization working for refugees is away about my presence here they will label me as pro-bonne esperance,what it mean for a refugee to appear to UCT law clinic about a particular matter and have to be turned down with recommended letter stating the problem to home affairs.
-what are durable solutions for women and children
An independent research opening sensible topics while he tries to distance himself for discussions in order to invit other researchers to engage debate on the assertion, most of his researches touch development issues affecting developing countries and Africa in particular, such as” the future of affirmative action in South Africa”, “refugee plight in southern Africa, the time for South African government to admit the role of stateless (refugees) in filling the gap between black middle class and twenty millions South African living on public grants”
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History of flames in the great lakes region
The history of the conflict in the African great lakes region may be traced back to colonial times. Rwanda and Burundi were German colonies for decades until the First World War Belgium took over (on them.) Belgium tribal policies on two existing tribes namely Tutsi and Hutu were summarized that Tutsis were Nilotic people, immigrants from the north, more intelligent than native Hutu .They toppled Hutu chiefs and replaced them with Tutsi and turned a blind eye when these Tutsis stole large tracts of Hutu land. They favored Tutsis in admission to colonial schools and set Hutus to work digging ditches, planting trees and building roads under the cruel eye of a Tutsi overseer. (Robert Guest 2004, p112-113) The above historic perspective of Robert Guest in his book titled “The shackled continent: Africa’s past, present and future” may help us to understand the parrot of the two African tribes in the early 1990s:”No way the son of the snake may escape from being a snake”
Hutu form a large majority of the Burundian and Rwandan populations. From 1962 when Burundi and Rwanda gained independence from Belgium the two countries were ruled differently with regard to their population. Burundi was ruled by Tutsis who were supported by foreign masters (Belgians) to rule over Hutu until 1993 when the country tried to introduce new democratic order. President Pierre Buyoya (Tutsi) initiated the process allowing the will of the Burundians to be heard by mean of electing their own leader. The process led to the first election allowing historically elected Hutu leader Merchior Ndandaye (as the large of Burundian population is made of Hutu). Anywhere, Tutsi remained dominated the army, with officers hostile to the new order. Ndandaye presidency lasted less than five months before he was kidnapped and murdered by Tutsi army officers. Attempting to maintain calm in the Hutu camp, the army have decided to allow the appointment of an other Hutu as the interim president who later has been invited to attend to the Rwandan negotiations (Hutu’s government and Tutsi rebels) hosted by Tanzania in Arusha, to find political solutions to Rwandan crisis that have started to create conflict between Rwanda and Uganda (as Rwanda’s rebels sponsor) with an Hutu Major General Juvenal Habyarimana who seized power since 1973. Rwandan and Burundian leaders were due to attend to the meeting in Tanzania (traveling aboard of the same plane)when Tutsi rebels hit Rwandan presidential plane by two missiles as it approached the runway at Kigali airport killing all aboard on 06 April 1994. The genocide started immediately when Hutu propaganda started, listing the first target, among which Hutu men who are married or friends to Tutsis, Tutsi politicians, journalists, lawyers and businessmen with liberal views.
In July 1994, Tutsi rebels were victorious followed by nearly a million of Hutus fled into Democratic Republic of Congo fearing reprisals. The new established regime in Rwanda led by Paul Kagame did not enjoy the presence of Hutu refugee camps close to Rwandan borders (in DRCongo) representing a permanent threat to his power, he prepared his men and manage to invade Congo two times, costing lives of unnumbered Congolese and more than 200.000 Hutu refugees: first with his local allies among which Laurent Desire Kabila to topple Mobutu Sese seko, then with several Congolese rebel groupings in the attempt to topple Laurent Kabila.
Therefore, refugees from all the region covering Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda especially children and women may have diversity of stories to share as problems they have faced in their countries, in their ways and wherever they may be situated in four corners of the world will differ from one refugee to the next, this in term of abuse, stress, hardship...
Congolese war against unarmed civilians
Abandon victims in the DRC did not receive an escape fire door when the flames eruption between government forces militias, foreign forces and rebel groupings takes place. The future of civilians was spontaneously determined on who is the master of the situation, once the fall of the master reprisal and new allegiance were made in different forms such as:
Death penalty
Government military tribunals repeatedly sentenced civilians to death for non-violent offences including violations of government restrictions on private economic activity such as private distribution of State-monopolized and State-rationed gasoline, inciting mutiny and looting while in a state of mutiny and desertions from government army.
Freedom of expression and media
According to Amnesty International:” dozens of journalists have been arrested, interrogated, intimidated and harassed because of articles they have published or wrote in the local newspapers have been critical of the government or its policies” government repression against them is justified as endangering the national security of the country and sentenced accordingly.
Groups at risk
(a) Ethnicity problem
Ethnicity remains an important factor in the Congolese society and politics. This is the case of Banyamulenge, whose ancestors immigrated to the country from Rwanda who still not be recognized by Congolese local populations as citizens due to their allegiance to their country of origin. Resentment of their non-citizen status contributed to the participation of many Tutsis residents of the country first in Laurent Kabila’s rebellion against former president Mobutu and then in the RCD rebellion against Kabila, becoming rulers in the conquer territories they have imposed a cruel administration on hundreds other ethnics in their turn. With the start of the renewed conflict in August 1998, Tutsis continue to be held in prolonged detention in Kinshasa and Katanga, from which the government was willing to release them on condition that they leave the country.
(b) Human Rights Activists
Government and rebel groupings intensified harassment of Congolese human rights activists during 1998 and 1999. In attempts to silence independent witnesses to their abuses. (Ibid. Government Terrorizes Critics, 10 January 2000), (International Crisis Group, How Kabila lost his way, 21 May 1999)
(c) Women and children
There are no recorded cases in which specific cases of children and women abuses are documented, although children and women suffer from generalized social disorder and widespread disregard for human rights that affect the society as a whole.
In 1999, both government and rebel groupings led massive campaigns to recruit child soldiers’ through the country while Women were the target of sexual violence including rape. Local activists confirmed the exposure of some of the victims to the HIV virus; other rape victims suffered rejection from their husbands and communities. Women are not only receive less education than men ,but also are required by law to obtain their spouse’s permission before engaging in routine legal transactions such as accepting employment or applying for an identity document (passport)
Congolese Refugees and Asylum Seekers: Global trends
(a) Prima facie refugees
The number of refugees from DRC in the region increased by 64 per cent: from 141,000 at the beginning of the year to 232,000 at the end of 1999.
(b) Asylum seekers
Some 15,350 asylum applications lodged by citizens for the DRC were recorded in 78 countries worldwide. In total, some 7,140 asylum-seekers were granted refugee status and 3,870 applications were rejected resulting in a total recognition rate of 66 per cent. (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: Refworld, Centre for Documentation and research, July 1999)
Hundreds of unaccompanied women and children have decided to consider their way to exile after the death of the husbands, in most of cases in the frontline ,died of starvation in detention (in the overcrowded shipping containers),rejection from their husband communities after the case of rape, attempts to make their children escape from massive child soldiers recruitments, attempts to unify themselves with their husbands who have left the country for a long period without keeping in touch with their families...
Our current challenges
-protection: protection approach that goes beyond traditional notions of legal protection: gender-based violence, building capacity through training, woman’s initiative programs in countries of origin. I applaud many organizations for reaching out needy women refugee and children refugee in their daily needs as steps undertaken to affected persons. at the same time, I would like to praise the role of South African government in its endeavors to ensure refugee are protected within its borders by availing government officials where refugees have contact with government, even if much still have to be done with home affairs officials, community policing and sanitation facilities(matters described as refugee’s matters by the policy, only refugee can be evacuated in the house without a court warrant, language barrier for refugee women and children to approach health facilities)
-lack of organizations work coordination: the proof is that in the precious occasion such as this all role players could be present and put plan of action for a particular operation and about challenges the face in their duties to assist refugees, dear members of the audience allow me to say if a next organization working for refugees is away about my presence here they will label me as pro-bonne esperance,what it mean for a refugee to appear to UCT law clinic about a particular matter and have to be turned down with recommended letter stating the problem to home affairs.
-what are durable solutions for women and children
An independent research opening sensible topics while he tries to distance himself for discussions in order to invit other researchers to engage debate on the assertion, most of his researches touch development issues affecting developing countries and Africa in particular, such as” the future of affirmative action in South Africa”, “refugee plight in southern Africa, the time for South African government to admit the role of stateless (refugees) in filling the gap between black middle class and twenty millions South African living on public grants”
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